Bogardus has described, "The theory of elite is that in every society there are people who possess in a marked degree, the qualities of intelligence, character, skill, capacity, whatever kind, that there are two classes of elite, that the two groups are disjunctive at any given time, that there is an up and down circulation of elite." 7. Vilfredo Pareto (18481923), Gaetano Mosca (18581941), and Robert Michels (18761936), were cofounders of the Italian school of elitism, which influenced subsequent elite theory in the Western tradition.[5][6]. Could it be used now to counter, from a liberal-democratic point of view, the populist drift? When the issues of power, politics and the state regained the attention of Marxist sociologist in the late 1960s, in what can be aptly described as the first "institutionalist" uprising against the behavioral revolution and its culturalist offshoot, as well as against the theory of political systems and the ideological mirages of liberal pluralism, Nicos Poulantzas seized the occasion to defend the theoretical purity of theoretical Marxism. According to Salvemini, the main difference between autocracies and democracies is the fact that the latter comprise many elites in competition with each other. Pareto and Michels theories were instrumental to that end. Concerning the latter, see Rubel (1960). The search for constants and general laws of political action seemed a natural consequence of such methods. The first one is dedicated to translating the chief issues of the theory of elites for Marxism, or, to be more precise: to expound them in the official language of theoretical Marxism in order to outline not their dissimilarities (which are somewhat obvious), but, rather, the fundamental differences which set apart each of these theoretical models. With this said, there is no reason - other than those beyond the theoretical domain - to consider these conceptions of power mutually exclusive. Primarily, it relates to the ability of an organised minority to force its will upon the disorganised majoritya characteristic that can be found in any political regime. The theoretical approaches include elite theory, group theory, political systems theory and institutionalism, policy output analysis, incremental theory and rational-choice theory which are primarily concerned with public policy-making as a process. In order to bring this constant into light, it is crucial to identify the means through which the ruling class sought to justify (and, at the same time, to conceal) its predominance. (2007), Poltica, cultura e classe na Revoluo Francesa. Paris, Maspero. These two tenets are ideologically allied but logically separable. [21] As a consequence, these systems tend be dominated by those who can, most typically elites and corporations. A Critique of the Elitist Theory of Democracy. BOTTOMORE, Tom. Liberty, judicial defence, and the right of opposition are, thus, the keystones of Burnhams reinterpretation of democracy. Even though both Salvemini and Schumpeter underline the importance of the bureaucratic organisation of mass parties, Salvemini insists that competitive democracy has to do mainly with the possibility of controlling the ruling class through the electoral machinery. Elite (elitist) theory. In this sense, the state serves the long-term interests of the dominant class, or, to be specific, the political interests of this class in particular, interests which basically consist of the reproduction of fundamental characteristics/interrelations that constitute the capitalist mode of production. "Elitist pluralism," represented by Dahl and Schumpeter, for example, is based on a factual assessment: the upper strata of different social groups (politicians, bureaucrats, union leaders, entrepreneurial leaders, etc.) Highlighting the significance of internal tensions within each thinkers work, between the causal primacy of psychic states and the mutual dependence of social factors (Pareto), and between the elite principle and balanced pluralism (Mosca), Jackson develops the hypothesis that the sceptical liberal Pareto or the democratic elitist Mosca elude Urbinatis unpolitical, populist, and plebiscitary disfigurations of democracy. An inquiry into the connection between classical elite theory and some of the foremost contemporary challenges to liberal democracy remains wanting in the literature. It is necessary, before moving on, to present the backdrop to this discussion concerning "elite" and "class." ), "can only be resolved within the scientific problematic proposed by Marxism" and that to this end it would be necessary to return to "scientific indications which Marx, Engels, Gramsci and Lenis provided us in this respect" (1971, vol. (1991), "Classe social, classe poltica, classe dirigente", in _________, Estudos Sociolgicos, Rio de Janeiro, Bertrand Brasil. A main influence for the study was Franz Leopold Neumann's book, Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 19331944, a study of how Nazism came to power in the German democratic state. II, p. 154-155). In contrast, the Pluralist model suggest that the power is distributed among interest groups that compete to control public policy. The purpose of this article is to contrapose the propositions on power, class and political domination presented by a particular interpretation of Marxism - structuralist Marxism - through a critical dialogue with one of its most paradigmatic authors: Nicos Poulantzas. Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens. Introduction. We do not believe so and in order for this proposition to become accepted one must refute some other critiques Poulantzas applied to the theoretical problematic of political elites. Kaplan e Lasswell, 1998, pp. This research, however, leaves room for the observance of a contrary trend in the last few years that differs from such patterns and according to which the ministerial elite is losing its capacity to reproduce itself and allowing outsiders to occupy the public sphere. Power lies in position of authority in key economic and political institutions. Taking elite theory seriously implies the recognition that it may yet preserve its original analytical force and that it might be helpful to demystify certain kinds of political formulae while bringing to light the crucial dynamic of the competition between different political actors typically in charge of the operation of government. Harvard Graduates Magazine, June: 280305, Instituto de Filosofia da Nova (IFILNOVA), Faculdade de Cincias Sociais e Humanas NOVA FCSH, Lisbon, Portugal, You can also search for this author in The psychological difference that sets elites apart is that they have personal resources, for instance intelligence and skills, and a vested interest in the government; while the rest are incompetent and do not have the capabilities of governing themselves, the elite are resourceful and strive to make the government work. What are these mistakes? the social power exercised through the institutions of the capitalist state), effectively held by the dominant classes or fractions, and the state apparatus, which is where this power is exercised, and which can be occupied and operated by any other social category (the middle strata, the petit bourgeoisie etc.). And finally there is the question of the relationship of political and economic power: in Marxist terms, how to think of complex links between the political (level) and the economic (level)? The theory posits that a small minority, consisting of members of the economic elite and policy-planning networks, holds the most powerand that this power is independent of democratic elections.[1]. How does, on its turn, Marxist political theory, according to Poulantzas, conceive of the question of class dominance and also the question of the state bureaucracy? Through positions in corporations or on corporate boards, and influence over policy-planning networks through the financial support of foundations or positions with think tanks or policy-discussion groups, members of the "elite" exert significant power over corporate and government decisions. Pluralists put forward the idea that power is not a physical quality that people have or do not have but yet it flows from a variety of sources. Bearing in mind Poulantzas's critique of the theory of elites, our main goal in this article is to discuss these aforementioned propositions and advance an argumentation that can be used to verify to which extent it is possible to conduct social analysis in such a way that combines these two theoretical traditions, in spite of their remarkable ideological differences. From this premise follows that only power restrains power and that such a restriction of power can only become visible in the existence and activity of oppositions (Burnham 1943, p. 182). This is power in the structural sense. The third section briefly presents the theoretical solutions Poulantzas himself provided in order to overcome such troubles. HUNT, Lynn. KAPLAN, Abraham & LASSWELL, Harold. Madri, Tecnos. So Paulo, Edusp. An elite may influence one field but it cannot influence all the fields. Yet empirical elitism also appealed to Marxian figures such as Vladimir Lenin and Antonio Gramsci. This deformation of Marxism, a maneuver which facilitates uncomplicated rejection can be found both in Gaetano Mosca (1939) and Raymond Aron (1991) or Pierre Birnbaum (1994). SAES, Dcio. In reality, from our perspective, it is more reasonable to think that the concept of elite can be useful when empirically working out the class analysis of politics5. He was, however, the one to most explicitly and conscientiously step up to the task of dealing with this issue in theoretical realm. Negotiations between such disenfranchised groups and the state can be analyzed as negotiations between elites and counter-elites. With this move, he can develop the explanatory capacities of elite theory and explicitly defend the democratic principle as a political formula with positive consequences from the viewpoint of the masses. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Book This sort of epistemological surveillance would also be more efficient in correcting "errors," "deviations" and inherent flaws within Marxist theory insofar as there would be a lesser need to resort to other intellectual traditions. Elites are typically male therefor society is set up in a way to benefit male characteristics via gender roles and oppression which are the true cause of power divide. We should not imagine that the concept of elite and its many specializations - political, economic, intellectual etc. Mosca, Pareto, and Michels accepted that governing elites are usually (albeit not necessarily) friendly to leading economic interests, but they rejected Karl Marxs analysis of historical change as the result of class conflict. And the supporting cast has gotten . The elitist tradition strongly affected the analysis of political phenomena during the twentieth century by developing a democratic elitism that interpreted liberal-democratic regimes according to a model of institutionalised competition between ruling elites. The empirical assumption behind the defense of elite rule at the time was the unequal distribution of the finest human traits. The designation of a hierarchy to these three methodological procedures is fundamental, since they have varying impacts on the proof of the relationship of representation between the minority and the class it supposedly (and not by definition) represents. The main goal of the elitists was to demonstrate that universal suffrage would have changed very little, if anything. They are the wealthiest people in the country. Braslia, Editora da UnB. McGraw-Hill, New York, Pareto V (1935) The mind and society. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1. FAUSTO, Boris & DEVOTO, Fernando J. The theoretical view held by many social scientists which holds that American politics is best understood through the generalization that nearly all political power is held by a relatively small and wealthy group of people sharing similar values and interests and mostly coming from relatively similar privileged backgrounds. It also recognises that the democratic principle is nothing but a formula that allows the ruling class to legitimise its power. Whichever direction is taken, its power can derive both from the control one group has over relations of production, and as the control of the state apparatus itself (which can cumulatively assume control of economic power). Our editors will review what youve submitted and determine whether to revise the article. . Sociologist Michels developed the iron law of oligarchy where, he asserts, social and political organizations are run by few individuals, and social organization and labor division are key. Are these flaws reason enough to suspend the dialogue between and elitism? [10] This macro-scale analysis sought to point out the degradation of democracy in "advanced" societies and the fact that power generally lies outside the boundaries of elected representatives. Where is power derived from? The purpose of this issue is to carry over the ambition of re-introducing elite theory onto the centre stage of philosophical and political-theoretical debates, especially against the backdrop of democratic theory and experiences. Conflict theory according to Crossman (2013) emphasizes the role of coercion and power in producing social order. which serve the purpose of restraining decision-makers from acting according to their whims. In his book The Machiavellians: Defenders of Freedom, published in 1943, James Burnham made the then-astonishing claim that classical elitists were not necessarily anti-democratic. POULANTZAS, Nicos. Citizen engagement should be viewed in accordance with a model of civil society organisations undertaking practical public deliberationelitist theory may have something to add to this view, despite its possible inconsistencies. Political Science. Mills published his book The Power Elite in 1956, in which he claimed to present a new sociological perspective on systems of power in the United States. Part of Springer Nature. In their statistical analysis of 1,779 policy issues professors Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page found that "economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. 154ss). Before that, the elitist rhetoric present in the ractionnaire literature of the late eighteenth century and the early nineteenth can be seen as inspired by a strong reaction against liberal revolutions. He interpreted the social world from Weberian and Marxist perspective though, he never admitted . It is sometimes forgotten that later revolutionary ideologies held fast to the classic form of normative elitism, even borrowing the Platonic language of guardianship. (iii) The elitist perspective cannot identify the foundations of political power. According to Hirschman, the classical use of the futility argument is based on the idea that any progressive action aimed at changing structural characteristics is doomed to failure; the typical progressive-friendly counterargument is based on the opposing statement that the same action is backed up by powerful historical forces that are already on the march and that opposing these forces would be utterly futile (Hirschman 1991, p. 167). The Italian social theorists Gaetano Mosca and Vilfredo Pareto were among the first to stipulate that elite rule is inevitable and to explore the ramifications of that axiom, mainly by analyzing the reproduction and transformation of elite groups. Another inescapable topic is the question of belonging to the class of state bureaucracy. In the end, the ruling minority always seeks to justify and legitimise its rule through ideological formulae, without which the social structure would disintegrate. Roberta Astolfi builds on the same connection developed by Campati, but her itinerary leads her to diametrically opposed conclusions. 2. Based on it we can follow more closely the interactions among social and political agents, without allowing these interactions to become dissolved in the long duration timeframe of the "reproduction of the mode of production." PubMedGoogle Scholar. Secondly, Poulantzas was correct when he criticized the elitists for not providing a theory of the state - the ultimate center of political power. ), Histria do marxismo, Rio de Janeiro, Paz e Terra, vol. The choice between the expressions "dominant class" and "political elite" is not, however, merely a matter of terminology. Marxism and elitism: two opposite social analysis models? Classical pluralism is the view that politics and decision-making are located mostly in the framework of government, but that many non-governmental groups use their resources to exert influence. With their interpretation of the universal suffrage as an exercise in hypocrisy, the elitists have been considered by Albert Hirschman a perfect example of the rhetoric of futility, one of the three main arguments typical of what he called the rhetoric of reaction (the other two being the perversity and the jeopardy theses) (Hirschman 1991). New Left Review, 58, nov.-dez. Today, one of the most insidious and damaging of these phenomena is the move by the power elite to privatize our nation's public education system. _________. The famous iron law of oligarchy, advanced by the German-born Italian political sociologist and economist Robert Michels, was more systematic: instead of merely positing the inevitability of elite domination, Michels tried to explain it by reference to the peculiar organizational features of modern politics, undoubtedly influenced on that point by the German sociologist Max Weber. They also spurned what they took to be his democratic faith in the ultimately decisive influence of the most numerous, the labouring class. The central question of political research guided by the Marxist problematic would henceforth be: to which extent the strategies adopted by different political elites can be linked to a class base? The elite theory analysis of power was also applied on the micro scale in community power studies such as that by Floyd Hunter (1953). (1983), "Why some classes are more successful than others?". Even if democracy is just one possible political model which legitimises the ruling class and its power, as classical elitists maintained, the adoption of one or another model is not without consequences for the members of non-elites. There are at least three questions to be dealt with in this regard. The conservative American philosopher James Burnham, a founding editor of the National Review, depicted Mosca, Pareto, and Michels as Machiavellians whose realistic analysis of elite actors and rejection of utopian egalitarianism represented the best hope of democracyas defined in terms of the law-governed liberty that emerges from interelite checks and balances. These two tenets are ideologically allied but logically separable. (1970), Fascisme et dictature: la Trosime Internationale face au fascisme. The 20th-century American economist Joseph Schumpeter used the elitists less conspicuously but also redefined democracy in terms congenial to the elite legacy as nothing more than electoral competition between elites vying for popular authorization to rule. This is, as it happens, the analytical strategy adopted by Marx in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. The rule of the elite is based upon (not-necessarily explicit) force and fraud. Who holds power is, by definition, the dominant classes. Poulantzas, 1971, vol. The historian of modern India, Gyan Prakash, points out that the subaltern studies project derives its force as postcolonial criticism from a combination of Marxism, post- structuralism, postmodernism, Gramsci and Foucault, the modern West and India, archival research and textual criticism. _________. II, pp. Lua Nova, 71: 81-121. According to both, the concept of elite is useful insofar as it explains some social realities to which the concept of class cannot be applied to or cannot be adjusted to adequately. New York: Random House, Last edited on 24 February 2023, at 06:20, Learn how and when to remove these template messages, Learn how and when to remove this template message, "Study: US is an oligarchy, not a democracy", Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens, "Remember that study saying America is an oligarchy? (1989), "A organizao do proletariado em classe: o processo de formao de classes", in _________, Capitalismo e social-democracia, So Paulo, Companhia das Letras. [3] At the lowest income sampled in the data, the correlation coefficient reached zero, whereas the highest income returned a correlation coefficient above 0.6. Read online free The Three Founding Fathers Of Elite S Theory Mosca Pareto And Michels ebook anywhere anytime directly on your device. One of them is more theoretical in nature, which is the question of the foundation of political power. The fact that other Marxists incorporated some of the issues and concepts of elite theory - Miliband, Bottomore, Domhoff, for example - reveals that this statement is, to say the least, debatable. Social classes, as much as their empirical existence is acknowledged, are not taken into account in the explanation of political domination since they are considered aggregates that are overly broad and/or they do not ultimately produce politically important effects. At the time Mills was writing, academic sociology was in the process of proclaiming itself a science. As a general rule, the actions of the ruling class or fraction disguise its role as the hegemonic class or fraction in the political scene. Elite cannot control the whole sphere of political activity: The advocates of elite theories wrongly believe that elite can control the whole sphere of political, social and economic activity. Thus, the elitists do not go beyond the analysis of either the elite-mass relationship (latter never being rigorously defined beyond conventional preconceptions), or intra-elite relationships. Raising the problem of "bureaucracy" only makes sense if the decisive difference between the state apparatus and state power are kept in mind (Idem, p. 164). There are two versions of the critique of the elitists to the Marxist conception of the dominant class. Please help by moving some material from it into the body of the article. As Burnham pointed out, there are real and significant differences in social structures from the point of view of the masses; these differences cannot be properly evaluated in terms of formal meanings, verbalism and ideologies (Burnham 1943, p. 166). The causation for this correlation has not yet been proven in subsequent studies, but is an active area of research. This phenomenon acquired a new dimension with the election of Donald Trump, who was considered first and foremost a celebrity rather than a politician. Please read the, Please help improve this article, possibly by, Gilens, M., & Page, B. Salvemini overcomes this setting by making the implicit value judgment explicit. On the other one, this theory is excessively focused upon the self-interests of "politically active minorities" and thus tend to shy away from choosing the possible (and in fact frequent) relationship between the behavior of the elites and certain outside interests as the object of analysis. During the 1940s, democratic elitism was used as a theoretical weapon against neo-Bonapartism and fascist dictatorships. 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